| Against
the WCAR fraud
Anarchism,
Racism And the Class struggle
The
UN World conference against Racism (WCAR) was held in August 2001
in Durban South Africa. This critique Produced by the Anarchist
Union and Bikisha Media Collective - 2 South African Anarchist
groups - contact details at the end
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WILL
EDUCATION END RACISM?
According
to South Africa's ruling elite, the problem of racism is basically
a problem of ignorance. "Education", according to Barney Pityana
of the Human Rights Commission, "will cure racism". This argument
sounds appealing, but it is inaccurate and misleading. Most importantly,
this view conveniently ignores the role of the CAPITALIST SYSTEM
in inventing and perpetuating racism. Since capitalism emerged
in the 1500s, it has committed many crimes against humanity. But
few of these crimes are as vile as racism. Perhaps that is why
Barney Pityana - as a defender of capitalism and the ANC government's
privatisation policies - wishes to hide capitalism's dirty laundry
with his stress on "education".
CAPITALISM
AND SLAVERY
Capitalism
developed as a world system based on the exploitation of workers,
slaves and peasants - black, brown, yellow and white. In the early
period of capitalism ("merchant capitalism") in the 1500s and
1600s, capitalism centred mainly on Western Europe and the Americas.
In the Americas, vast plantation systems were set up. Based on
slavery, they were capitalist enterprises exporting agricultural
goods to Europe.
It
was in the system of slavery that the roots of racism are to be
found. In the words of the black Caribbean scholar, Eric Williams,
"Slavery was not born of racism: rather, racism was the consequence
of slavery".1
In
the beginning, the slave plantations were not organised on racial
lines. Although the first slaves in the Spanish colonies in the
Americas were generally Native Americans, slavery was restricted
(at least officially) to those who did not convert to Christianity.
The
Native Americans were succeeded by poor whites shipped in from
Europe. Many of these workers were only enslaved for a limited
period, as indentured servants serving contracts of up to ten
years or more. Others were convicts sentenced for "crimes" such
as stealing cloth or prisoners of war from uprisings and the colonisation
of areas such as Ireland and Scotland.
There
were also a large number of life-long European slaves, and even
amongst the indentured, a substantial number had been kidnapped
and sold into bondage against their will.2 Conditions on the "Middle
Passage" (the trip across the Atlantic) for these indentured servants
and slaves were, in Williams' words, so bad that they should "banish
any ideas that the horrors of the slave ship are to be in any
way accounted for by the fact that the victims were Negroes".3
More than half the English immigrants to the American colonies
in the 1500s were unfree indentured servants4, and until the 1690's
there were still far more unfree whites on the plantations of
the American South than black slaves.5
SLAVERY
AND RACISM
It
was in the 1600s that racist ideas first emerged. In the 1600s
and 1700s, the trade in human flesh shifted increasingly from
the Americas and Europe ... to Africa. The main reason for this
shift to African slaves was not racism, but the fact - so cheering
to the capitalists - that African slaves were cheaper and easily
available.6 The African elite, which now hides its guilt under
a mealy-mouthed "anti-racism," actively collaborated in kidnapping
millions of African peasants and selling them to white merchant
capitalists at the ports on the East and West coasts of Africa.
"The
trade was... an African trade until it reached the coast. Only
very rarely were Europeans directly involved in procuring slaves,
and that largely in Angola".7
In
the 1600s, facing pressure from slave revolts and radical grassroots
movements in Europe itself, the slave-owners invented the ideology
of racism. One of the most important slave-owner groups were the
"British sugar planters in the Caribbean, and their mouthpieces
in Britain" who used differences in physical appearance to develop
the myth that black African people were sub-human and deserved
to be enslaved: "here is an ideology, a system of false ideas
serving class interests".8
Racism,
in short, was invented to justify a long-standing system of slavery
in the face of demands within Europe and the Americas for equal
rights and equal duties for all working people.
The
enslavement of Native Americans had been justified as being on
the grounds of their "heathen" beliefs; European servitude was
justified as being the lot of inferiors from the lower classes;
African slavery was justified through racism.
The
people who benefited from slavery were not Europeans in general,
but the capitalist ruling classes of Western Europe. African ruling
classes also received major benefits.
Many
poor whites were indentured or enslaved, whilst poor white farmers
within the Americas lost their land and markets to the slave-owners,
whose drive for more land led to poor whites being driven off
their family farms.9 (The vast majority of Europeans never owned
slaves: only 6 percent of whites owned slaves in the American
South in 1860).10
Slavery,
in short, benefited the capitalists, to the detriment of working
people of Native American, European and African descent.
RACE
AND EMPIRE
Racism
was thus born of the slavery of early capitalism. However, having
been once created, later developments in capitalism would sustain
and rear this creature of the capitalist class.
Solidly
established in the Americas and Western Europe by the 1700s, capitalism
soon became increasingly interested in expanding its operations
in Asia and Africa. Capitalist outposts already existed - often
based on slavery, as was the case in the early Cape Colony, which
was modelled on American slavery - and conquest was not far behind.
Between
the 1700s and early 1900s, most of Asia and Africa were conquered
as Western European capitalist governments invaded - hungry for
profit from trade, from cheap labour and cheap raw materials,
and profit from new markets to sell manufactured goods.11
In
the period of imperialism - of the establishment of Western empires
in Asia and Africa - racist ideas were pressed into service to
justify imperial conquest and rule. It was said that Africans
and Asians were unable to govern or develop themselves, and needed
to be ruled by external forces - conveniently, this meant the
ruling classes of Western Europe.12 (Japan, which began to carve
out its own capitalist empire in the 1800s, used a similar racism
against Koreans, in particular).
Empire
did not benefit workers in the colonies, nor in the imperialist
countries. The profits of empire went to the capitalist class.13
Meanwhile, the methods and forces of colonial repression were
deployed against workers in the imperialist countries (most notably,
the use of colonial troops to crush the Spanish Revolution), whilst
lives and material resources were wasted on imperial adventures.
Today, multi-national companies cut jobs and wages by shifting
to repressive Third World client regimes.
SOUTH
AFRICA
South
Africa's history cannot be understood outside of the history of
slavery and empire. When Jan van Riebeck arrived at the Cape in
1652, he did so as an envoy of the Dutch East India Company. Within
twenty years, a slave system modelled on the plantation slavery
of the Americas was emerging.
In
the 1800s, growing British and European interest in the region
was justified by an increasingly strident imperialist racism that
hid its capitalist motives under the shawl of concern with "bringing
Africa out of darkness." Britain took over the Zulu kingdom in
1879, the Pedi in 1879, Botswana in 1885, Zimbabwe in 1890-3 and
Swaziland in 1902. It wrapped up its conquests with the crushing
of the Afrikaner republics in the Anglo-Boer War of 1899-1902.
Germany also got in on the act with the conquest of Namibia in
1884, whilst Portugal maintained control of neighbouring Angola
and Mozambique.
It
was in this period of British imperialism that all of the key
features of Apartheid were developed: segregation, pass laws,
restrictions on African trade unionism and the cheap labour migrant
system. These instruments from the heyday of imperialism were
refined and perfected under the National Party after 1948, which
saw how useful racism was for capitalism. The capitalist class
in South Africa has, in short, benefited from 300 years of racism,
which has provided cheap, right-less black labour on demand.
MODERN
RACISM
Clearly,
capitalism gave birth to racism. Racism as an idea helped justify
empire and slavery. With the collapse of the European and Japanese
empires between the 1940s and the 1970s, racist ideas and theory
became less and less acceptable. Why then does racism continue
even today within the Americas, Europe and Japan?
It
continues because it serves two key functions under capitalism.
First,
it allows the capitalists to secure sources of cheap, unorganised,
and highly exploitable labour. Immigrants and national minorities
are sources of cheap labour that capitalists pit against the rest
of the working class. Secondly, racism allows the capitalist ruling
class to divide and rule the exploited classes. Across the planet,
billions of workers and peasants suffer the lashes of capitalism.
Racism is used to build divisions within the working class to
help keep the ruling capitalist class in power.
Praxedis
Guerrero, a great Mexican Anarchist, described the process as
follows:14
"Racial
prejudice and nationality, clearly managed by the capitalists
and tyrants, prevents peoples living side by side in a fraternal
manner... A river, a mountain, a line of small monuments suffice
to maintain foreigners and make enemies of two peoples, both living
in mistrust and envy of one another because of the acts of past
generations.
"Each
nationality pretends to be above the other in some kind of way,
and the dominating classes, the keepers of education and the wealth
of nations, feed the proletariat with the belief of stupid superiority
and pride to make impossible the union of all nations who are
separately fighting to free themselves from Capital...
"If
all the workers of the different nations had direct participation
in all questions of social importance which affect one or more
proletarian groups these questions would be happily and promptly
solved by the workers themselves."
IMMIGRANTS
AND NEO-LIBERALISM IN SOUTH AFRICA
Workers,
in short, are told to blame and hate other workers - distinguished
by culture, language, skin colour, or some other arbitrary feature
for their misery. A classic example is the scape-goating of immigrants
and refugees for "taking away jobs and housing". In this way,
our anger is deflected onto other workers (with whom we have almost
everything in common) rather than being directed against capitalists
(with whom we have nothing in common). An "appearance" of common
interest is created between workers and bosses of a given race
or nation. South Africa is a perfect example. The capitalist policies
of the ANC - privatisation, pension cuts, massive retrenchments
- all prove that the ANC is an outright enemy of the African working
class.
Because
of the ANC's neo-liberal capitalist policies, the legacy of apartheid
is not only not addressed... it is worsened. African workers and
their families, the victims of apartheid, now become the main
victims of neo-liberalism (joined by a layer of Coloured, Indian
and white workers). But the new ruling elite, which is increasingly
multi-racial, increasingly plays the race card to fragment us
and so consolidate its class rule. Whether it is the ANC's Mbeki
or the DA's Leon who plays the race card, the effect is the same:
more power to the capitalist class and so, less and less chance
of ending the legacy of apartheid. And so, South African workers
are pitted against each other and against African immigrants.
And the rich get richer whilst the poor get poorer.
The
race card is thus played both in the "West" and the "South" to
disorganise the working class.
OUR
POSITION
Our
position is simple. As anarchists, we oppose racism, and stand
against racism wherever it raises its ugly head. Racism is not
only a crime against humanity, but a direct attack on the working
class. Racism divides us, increases capitalist profits, and leads
to lower wages for all workers.
White
American workers, for example, in no way benefit from the existence
of an impoverished and oppressed minority of African American
workers who can be used to undercut wages, and working and living
conditions.
Therefore
we support revolutionary education against racism as part of a
programme of developing a non-racial, international, anti-nationalist,
anti-racist working class movement capable of crushing capitalism
and the governments that defend it. This means every government,
because every government - not excluding Cuba and China- is a
capitalist instrument, a capitalist trade union.
We
aim at the destruction of capitalism and the creation of a libertarian
communist society under direct working class self-management of
all aspects of society - whether the workplace, the school, the
campus or the neighbourhood.
THE
UN FRAUD
As
anarchists, we consider the World Conference Against Racism (WCAR)
by the United Nations to be an enormous fraud. Sitting cosily
in expensive hotels, the world's elite - the people directly responsible
for racism - will have an all-expenses-paid opportunity to posture
as champions of anti-racism.
These
elites, drawn from every race, will sit cosily and listen to lectures
on the evils of racism... something none of them ever experience.
Racism is reserved for the poor: the capitalist elites are protected
by their lawyers and money. The UN is a rich-man's club, not a
weapon against racism. Like the IMF, World Bank and WTO, the UN
serves as an instrument of collective capitalist power against
the world's working class and peasantry.
Our
own elite, represented by the ANC, will use the opportunity to
try and take the tarnish off its six years of anti-working class
rule by posturing as a "model" of anti-racism.
CAPITALIST
ANC HIJACKS EVENT
For
the ANC, the WCAR is a golden opportunity to hide away the fact
that privatisation and job loss are accelerating, and that the
main victims are African workers and communities.
This
is expressed in the march by the ANC Alliance - including COSATU
- in support of the conference... only days after COSATU mobilised
tens of thousands of workers against ANC policies!
We
look instead to the new anti-privatisation movement and the Durban
Social Forum as vehicles for moving the fight against racism beyond
the bounds of the UN banquets.
REPARATIONS
The
demand has been raised for reparations to African peoples for
the impact of the slave trade. This is a progressive demand that,
if realised, would go a long way towards ending the legacy of
slavery in the Americas and West Africa.
However,
it is extremely unlikely that reparations can be attained under
capitalism. The capitalists know that if they open the door to
reparations for slavery, they will be asked for reparations for
every one of capitalism's many crimes. Furthermore, across the
world, whether "West", "South" or "East", the capitalists are
bent on crushing working and poor people through the implementation
of neo-liberal policies of privatisation, cuts in schools, pensions
and hospitals, flexible labour, free trade etc. It is therefore
unlikely in the extreme that the western ruling classes will now
reverse the trend and introduce major social reforms. Their aim,
for now, is to redistribute wealth from the poor to the rich.
Real
reparations for the many crimes of capitalism will only be achieved
under libertarian communism. And under libertarian communism,
the capitalist elites of the world will be judged harshly for
these crimes, rather than rewarded and rewarded and rewarded for
evil, as is the case today.
US
IMPERIALISM AND THIRD WORLD ELITES
Nowhere
is the role of the UN as a rich-man's club made more clear than
the bullying role of the US in the run-up to the WCAR. The US,
as the most powerful capitalist country, has championed the removal
of reparations and the repression of the Palestinians by the Israeli
state from the WCAR. Clearly, the US capitalist class wants to
prevent any discussion of the two issues.
In
this it is, unsurprisingly, supported by the ruling classes in
Africa, who have scrapped the demand for financial reparations
for slavery and colonialism in favour of more debt relief and
more free trade. This move illustrates that Third World ruling
classes are complicit in the system of neo-liberal capitalism
and imperialism. Our immediate enemy, as South African militants,
is not a vague "US imperialism," but the local ruling class which
acts as a junior partner in capitalism, which is, after all, modern
slavery. The enemy is at home!
The
rich will not succeed in setting the agenda for anti-racist and
anti-imperialist activism, because it is in the streets that the
real demands and actions will take place! Struggle from below
will help set out a working people's agenda against racism and
imperialism, and the system that creates and recreates these social
evils: capitalism.
ANARCHIST
DEMANDS
It
is our view as anarchists that the key to meaningful freedom for
ordinary working and poor people is a struggle against racism,
for libertarian (free) communism. The creation of a truly non-racial
South Africa requires a social movement against capitalism and
neo-liberalism, and for a society based on collective ownership
and the principle "from each according to their ability to each
according to their needs".
We
stress the common interests of all workers across the world, and
oppose the nationalists who are trying to use the WCAR as an opportunity
to fragment workers and distract attention from the real class
war in the streets, workplaces and communities
Our
immediate demands are
-
an
immediate end to privatisation, which can only increase poverty
and misery
-
refusal
to pay unfair electricity and water charges
-
an
immediate halt to retrenchments
-
trade
union independence from all political parties
-
full
trade union democracy
-
an
election boycott: elections are a fraud that serve only to
waste our time and confuse our people
-
reparations
for slavery
-
equal
rights for immigrants
-
land
occupations by self-managed rural collectives
-
factory
occupations by the workers and their trade unions
-
freedom
for the Palestinians, Burmese, Tibetans and all victims of
racism, colonialism and capitalist dictatorship.
-
abolition
of the third world debt, which serves as an instrument of
capitalist imperialism and the closure of the IMF, World Bank,
WTO and UN
In
order to implement these demands, we must not rely on liberation
from above, which will never happen. We must struggle from below,
taking direct action against the bosses, the local councillors
and other sectors of the elite, organising ourselves for a social
war for the freedom of the working class.
"Anarchism
does not derive from the abstract reflections of an intellectual
or a philosopher, but from the direct struggle of workers against
capitalism, from the needs and necessities of the workers, from
their aspirations to liberty and equality, aspirations which become
particularly alive in the best heroic period of the life and struggle
of the working masses."
P.
Arshinov, N. Makhno and others, 1926,
The Organisational Platform of the Libertarian Communists.
From Prague to Seattle, Continue
the Battle!
Reverse the Drive to Privatise!
There
is no contradiction between the class struggle and the struggle
against racism. Neither can succeed without the other.
FOOTNOTES
-
Eric
Williams, 1944, Capitalism and Slavery. Andre Deutsch, p.
17. See also Peter Fryer, 1988, Black People in the British
Empire. Pluto Press, chapter 11.
-
Williams
does not take sufficient account of the institution of life-long
slavery among Whites.
-
Williams,
p. 14
-
williams,
p. 10
-
Leo
Huberman, 1947, We, the People: the drama of America. Monthly
Review Press, p. 161.
-
Williams,
pp. 18-19, 23-29
-
Bill
Freund, 1984, The Making of Contemporary Africa: the development
of African Society Since 1800, Indiana University Press, p.
51.
-
Fryer,
p. 64.
-
Williams,
pp. 23-26; Huberman, p. 167-168
-
Huberman,
p. 167.
-
See
Freund for a discussion of the African experience.
-
Fryer,
pp. 61-81; Freund.
-
And
not to workers as Fryer claims, pp. 54-55.
-
Programa
del la Liga Pan-Americana del Trabajo in Articulos de Combate,
p. 125-5, cited in D. Poole, "The Anarchists and the Mexican
Revolution, part 2: Praxedis G. Guerrero 1882 - 1910, Anarchist
Review, No. 4. Cienfuegos Press.
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